The Union Castle Line and Emigration from Eastern Europe to South Africa

 

© Aubrey Newman

 

All papers ought to begin with acknowledgements, and “thank you”s should be at the beginning.  So I must express my gratitude to my departmental colleague who tells me how to put my computing data together; to some twelve generations of students who have been inputting my data as part of their undergraduate studies; and now to my erstwhile research student, now research associate - Nick Evans - who has done a lot of work on the Wilson Ellerman papers at Hull University Library and who, as we shall see, has been responsible for cracking the story of Baltic shipping at the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

It is true I suppose that the biggest growth industry of recent times has been in ‘migration studies’ and there can be no doubt that there have been masses of books on the impact of one growth or other on the attitudes of one or other group of host communities. They have been set in various contexts from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries,  and indeed I suppose that if I were a classical scholar I would find studies of the impacts of the Greek colonists on the original inhabitants of the eastern Mediterranean.  But all these studies, I would suggest, concentrate on two aspects of the basic issues -  they look at the countries from which the migrants come and they look at  the countries into which they go.  What they very rarely do is to look at the ways in which they go from A to B, and to ask how far is the journey from A to B affected by the various means of transportation available;  indeed how far do those means of transportation actually distort the whole process by influencing the migrants to travel not from A to B but to decide to go to C instead?  What I have been doing recently is to raise such problems within the general context of migration studies and in particular to discuss them in the context of one special mass migration and in connection with one special group of shipping companies.

The mass migration which I have been studying is part of a general migration out of Europe after the middle of the nineteenth century.  There were Scandinavians, Italians, Hungarians, Rumanians, Poles and Russians, the majority aiming at North America, amounting to some six million or more.  Since until very late in the century the passenger traffic between America and Europe was largely in British hands it would follow that much of this traffic went through Great Britain.  Add to that the factor that even after other routes were opened it was often cheaper to travel through Britain to America than to sail directly from Europe to North America and you can see how the issue as to how people were moved can be a most significant feature of this mass migration. 

Within that movement there was one particular element, that of Jews mainly from Poland and Russia, and largely between 1880 and 1914.  If there were six million persons were on the move out of Eastern Europe, some four million of them were Jews, coming out of the so-called Pale of Settlement, that part of Western Russia and Russian Poland which had been designated by the Russian Government as an area within which Jews were allowed to live. It stretched from the Baltic down to the Black Sea, and within its provinces or Guberniya lived millions of Jews, restricted both geographically and economically by the Russian government and subjected after 1882 to an increasingly severe level of official and governmental persecution.  Many of them sought to leave, but that was easier said than done.  The Russian government might well have been prepared to let them go, but nonetheless in practice placed many restrictions on their departure so that it was often much easier for travellers to have themselves smuggled over the border than seek to leave legitimately.  Indeed, so little was the Government trusted that even those who might well have secured official papers and approval preferred to use the smugglers.  Those who lived in the southern parts of Russia or in Rumania might have travelled through the Black Sea ports or by rail through Central Europe, linking there with those from the Austro-Hungarian Empire who were making their own way to America.  Those from the central provinces would most probably have travelled by train, as would those from the northern part of the Pale.  All these would have faced long and difficult journeys, languages which they could not understand and instructions which they could not decipher.  Almost certainly they would not have embarked on these journeys without some sort of guidance, sometimes from those who had preceded them and could pass on information based on their own experience but sometimes from a network of agents in the Pale who were in a position both legally and illegally to facilitate journeys, giving information about trains, desirable routes, and the costs of the various journeys involved.  The main agents would have been based upon the major centres of population and the ports, but within the villages and small towns, the so-called shtetls, there were chains of sub-agents who would have been responsible for initial contacts with the would-be travellers.

After these migrants had crossed the borders of Russia with the west, legally or illegally, they would have arrived at various receiving stations set up on the eastern borders of Germany.  As time went on these stations served not only as control points to check the health of the travellers but also to try and steer them into using the Hamburg-Amerika shipping line.  Crossing Germany by train, as the bulk of the migrants undoubtedly did, they would be taken by way of transfer stations in Berlin to accommodation provided in Hamburg and Bremen by the shipping companies, thus ensuring that the travellers had as little contact with the native German population as possible. Other routes of migration however were opened up for those who did not wish to use the German trans-Atlantic shipping companies but preferred to use British ships.  Many of them still came through Hamburg or Bremen but made their way to Hull or London. Others often came through Amsterdam or Rotterdam

However before the end of the century a further route was beginning to open up, and that was a sea route from Libau, at the northern end of the Pale.  Clearly this route presented advantages for residents in the North of the Pale, in Lithuania, since it allowed them to avoid the long-drawn out railway route to Hamburg.

But before that I must sketch out briefly the steps which have led me to become especially involved and led us to this evening’s discussions.  Some years ago the University of Leicester decided that all its History undergraduates had to study a computer database and write a project in connection with it. One of the databases available for them is founded on some thirteen volumes of registers of the Poor Jews Temporary Shelter in London, covering the years 1896 till 1914, in addition to a number of volumes of Minutes of the Executive and General committees, a copy-letter book for a short period, as well as a number of annual reports and other statistics made available for the Board of Trade..  The volumes of registers are slowly being transcribed and entered onto the computer.  The records note the dates on which the so-called ‘inmates’ entered the Shelter, their names, places of birth, their marital status, their occupations, where they had come from in order to reach London, how long they stayed in the Shelter, and their intended destination.  Analysis of these records have however presented us with some unexpected results. We had started in the knowledge that of the four million persons on the move out of Eastern Europe, most of them wanted to go to America..  This is a time when, as is generally stated, there develops in the United States an enormous Jewish immigrant population. That much is common form.  However not everyone did go to America.  Clearly Jews did go elsewhere, and in this I am not including those who might have wanted to go elsewhere but ended up in Great Britain.  One of the communities to which Jews did go was South Africa.  There is however a peculiarity about the community which established itself there. It has always maintained that it was Lithuanian in origin, and that most of its families who went there before the outbreak of the first World War came in particular from the province of Kovno. So much and for so long has this been a feature of South African Jewish life that there is at least one study of the Jewish community there entitled ‘Lithuania on the Veldt’.  When work started on our database I had assumed that the vast majority of those passing through the Shelter would be going to North America; what was demonstrated most unusually from the very beginning was that the most frequently stated destination was not North America but South Africa. We had begun by taking short inroads into the thirteen volumes at random, in order to get some feel for the volumes, and we found at that stage that some forty per cent of those passing through the Registers were headed for South Africa.  We have now largely completed these volumes and it still remains true that Africa was the most important destination.  It became a feature of our analysis of the Shelter records on our database. Further information about the importance of the South African migration for the Shelter can be drawn from the statistics provided either from those Annual Reports of the Shelter which have survived or from various figures afforded to Parliament by the Board of Trade and based in their turn upon figures supplied from the Shelter authorities.


Numbers passing through the Shelter each month; the numbers in bold are those noted as proceeding to South Africa.

 

Nov

Dec

Jan

Feb

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

July

Aug

Sept

Oct

 

1885-86

36

81

49

71

55

59

101

125

131

122

115

82

1027

1886-87

129

84

86

72

69

49

110

121

139

125

118

60

1162

1887-88

95

88

86

120

68

170

175

124

144

136

57

59

1322

1888-89

65

52

62

39

50

41

69

55

113

28

75

34

683

1889-90

84

109

111

105

81

64

153

152

150

173

124

93

1399

1890-91

144

126

98

114

145

82

150

190

275

303

283

111

2021

1891-92

154

123

120

106

155

71

160

170

211

168

61

49

1548

1892-93

51

68

84

114

102

143

232

283

274

294

162

144

1951

 

13

26

13

16

23

40

58

41

80

87

30

26

453

1893-94

187

187

149

100

117

100

203

186

231

179

134

101

1874

 

65

46

30

15

53

16

62

23

60

63

47

11

491

1894-95

162

127

164

112

118

66

280

218

375

300

185

129

2236

 

53

34

21

27

30

3

126

91

190

182

85

38

880

1895-96

365

261

197

198

163

214

357

486

281

501

188

239

3450

 

253

175

83

73

63

94

210

353

152

392

111

175

2134

1896-97

336

249

191

138

152

111

291

352

330

352

201

108

2811

 

260

170

52

38

59

20

170

170

143

161

78

10

1331

1897-98

232

184

127

160

191

80

284

220

185

207

99

91

2060

 

46

81

36

36

30

28

157

110

96

123

48

17

808

1898-99

185

120

144

117

118

174

268

462

367

374

90

275

2694

 

100

50

64

51

35

46

182

316

133

150

18

22

1167

1899-00

265

220

136

107

151

57

353

530

588

229

130

81

2847

 

1

9

-

12

11

-

19

71

156

120

45

31

425

1900-01

217

147

112

147

189

122

249

239

244

322

113

249

2350

 

133

68

39

45

15

15

78

115

145

242

54

148

1097

1901-02

224

241

95

123

166

50

200

202

305

289

230

145

2270

 

123

99

1

11

47

8

58

106

81

95

86

117

832

1902-03

835

768

718

180

119

33

213

233

390

483

328

172

4472

 

817

728

560

46

62

12

125

181

308

387

228

140

3594

1903-04

775

469

264

244

161

116

316

575

619

495

256

479

4769

 

591

329

155

101

63

16

116

129

94

137

27

53

1811

1904-05

1062

1355

867

560

396

161

552

476

439

432

308

133

6741

 

102

58

54

56

79

8

113

98

101

163

71

37

940

1905-06

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1906-07

136

151

162

78

68

60

291

213

279

407

47

328

2220

1907-08

327

341

79

102

201

25

112

127

149

198

162

89

1912

 

62

34

38

63

52

-

42

90

88

117

61

30

677

1908-09

120

103

184

160

82

38

153

138

162

205

86

116

1547

1909-10

183

203

86

185

457

1024

140

153

213

230

274

179

3327

 

90

73

60

59

137

11

110

115

190

208

177

45

1275

1910-11

406

338

177

185

216

85

137

119

269

207

193

140

2472

 

96

118

53

61

74

9

106

106

197

143

114

71

1148

1911-12

241

134

108

95

80

85

137

119

269

207

193

140

1808

 

121

89

75

80

46

33

100

127

111

154

65

121

1122

1912-13

202

173

160

123

187

193

248

200

292

220

261

96

2355

 

113

97

92

65

108

13

56

108

132

119

164

26

1093

1913-14

220

191

129

109

154

41

139

122

171

 

 

 

1276

 

118

87

60

56

87

2

82

72

102

 

 

 

666

 

But if places born are matched with destinations, and in particular with the South African destination over 90% of those who declare Africa as their destination and whose place of birth is named were born in those provinces of Russia usually known as Lithuania.  And of these the overwhelming majority were born either in the Kovno Guberniya or in the two Guberniya immediately adjoining Kovno.  We have other evidence too, emanating from Russia itself on this subject. There was an organisation operating in the Pale of Settlement entitled the Jewish Colonial Association or ICA for short.  In a number of reports in the first decade of the twentieth century analysing conditions for the Jews in the Pale it amongst other things reports on emigration patterns, and indicates a large number wishing to go to either North or South America. But it also reports that very unusually in two districts there are large numbers wishing to go to Africa.  I am not suggesting that Lithuanian Jews did not go elsewhere, for we do know of many who settled both in UK and in USA, but it seems to me that this particular wave of settlement is very unusual.

The figures are indeed extremely interesting, for they show that South Africa did not appear as a destination for inmates when the Shelter was first opened in 1886.  Indeed as late as 1892 there is no mention of Africa as a destination.  Then the figures jump; in the year 1893, 453; in 1894, 500;  in 1895, 880, and in 1896 2134.  In 1897 they go down slightly to 1337 and then vary considerably.  But there is no year where the figures fall below 425, and at various times they rise again to 3594.  They fall into place as well in considering the total figures for migration out of and through Britain to southern Africa.


 

 British and Alien Migrants to South Africa 1879-1913.

 

 

 

British Migrants

Alien Migrants

Shelter Inmates Going to Africa

Shelter Inmates as a % of Alien Migrants

1879

6895

770

 

 

1880

9059

744

 

 

1881

12905

1313

 

 

1882

12063

1520

 

 

1883

5742

960

 

 

1884

3954

722

 

 

1885

3268

692

 

 

1886

3897

762

 

 

1887

4909

749

 

 

1888

6166

1236

 

 

1889

13884

1758

 

 

1890

10321

1755

 

 

1891

9090

1592

 

 

1892

9891

1750

 

 

1893

13097

3061

525

17%

1894

13133

3583

467

13%

1895

20234

5751

1221

21%

1896

24394

11246

2136

19%

1897

21109

7692

1021

13%

1898

19756

5877

831

14%

1899

14832

4431

1327

30%

1900

20815

4703

666

14%

1901

23143

5410

1118

21%

1902

43206

8680

2155

25%

1903

50206

12418

2969

21%

1904

26818

5450

1051

19%

1905

26307

4839

780              

(10 months only)

 

1906

22804

3519

no figures available

 

1907

20924

2339

96 (2 months only)

 

1908

19568

2376

581

(10 months only)

 

1909

22017

2638

163 (2 months only)

 

1910

37273

3541

1326

37%

1911

30767

3761

1144

30%

1912

28216

3672

1172

32%

1913

25852

3857

1088

28%


It is I think interesting, and as we shall see significant, that the Shelter processed between 17% and 37% of those Aliens who are registered as en route for Africa.

But the Shelter and its records have much more to tell us.  An examination of the Registers and more especially an examination of the ships named as conveying the tranmigrants passing through the Shelter can easily identifies those going to Africa as using entirely the Union Shipping Company and the Castle Line.  These were the companies which between them were almost invariably awarded the Royal Main contracts between the United Kingdom and the Cape, and in contemporary advertisements both in London and in Cape Town they boasted that they were the only ones providing cheap steerage and third class passenger fares to South Africa.  While other companies specialised in conveying passengers and cargo to Cape Town or even dropped off passengers at Cape Town while their ships were en route to New Zealand or to Australia, none did so as cheaply and none had the mail contracts.  These two companies played the leading part in mass passenger traffic and, incidentally, it is surprising how little mention is made of this in the most recent studies of the leading light in this trade, Sir Donald Currie.

It is when we look at these companies in detail or more especially at their ships that a number of very interesting facts develop.  Between 1891 and 1900 the Union Line ordered and brought into service no less than 12 new passenger ships, between them capable of carrying some 800 3rd class passengers in addition to whatever might have been available in steerage accommodation - usually some 400 passengers each.  At the same time the Castle Line brought into service 24 new ships, many of them capable of carrying between 100 and 150 3rd class passengers in addition to several hundred steerage passengers. They came into service gradually, but the orders must have been given for the building of these boats in the late 1880s when the Board of Trade figures demonstrate a jump from some 7500 passengers a year to over 16,000 a year were going to Africa.  Certainly there is no doubt that despite the very strong competition between these companies neither of them would have built these ships if they did not have a reasonable chance of filling them.  And incidentally the competition was less than might have been expected, for when the Cape Government invited tenders for the mail service the one principal fear against which specific provision had to be made was that the companies might merge, and in practice even before there was a merger the two can be found co-operating most effectively.  It would seem reasonable to assume that the ships were built in order to provide for a specific or envisaged need, and all the evidence is that that need was based upon the contemporary rush to get to the golf fields.  Certainly at one stage the companies were cramming as many passengers as might possibly be got on board the ships, and one account has the report that the pursers  are to allocate sleeping space for these passengers wherever they can find room.  Many of these passengers had been Cornish tin-miners; there had been a collapse in the Cornish tin industry, since it was much cheaper to produce tin from Malaysia by washing it out from alluvial deposits rather than from deep quartz workings. Gold mining in Johannesburg was by now also based upon deep ore working, and so it seemed logical to take the unemployed miners there instead. Part of the evidence for this is in various letters home, including an account by one Jew who went from UK to Africa on a refrigerator boat, in company with a group of these miners. These Cornish migrants escalated from some 200 a year in 1886/1887 to a peak of 4,000, but it collapsed rapidly.  It would seem that such as went were unhappy about staying, and within a short period of time they started going back home to their families instead of persuading wives to come out and join them. There is some element of anecdotal evidence for this but certainly it is in part illustrated by the figures showing how and why the Castle Line gave up calling in at Dartmouth for passengers.  It would seem as a consequence that there had to be some attempt made to replace these passengers; since there had to be a regular mail service to the Cape, provided by these two companies operating their joint contract, the recruitment of passengers even at a minimum fare level might well have made a significant difference to the accounts of the companies.

There seems also to have been at this stage some variation in the various ports served by the Castle Line, in that it introduced a service between Hamburg and London as well as with Flushing.  These variations were short-lived, but in the absence of the Company’s detailed management records it is not possible to determine the details of these variants nor the reasons why they were made.  But at this stage I must refer back to such records of the Shelter as we have.  It is in 1893 that there first appears in the minutes of the Committee of the Shelter a note of the receipt of a cheque from Donald Currie, and thereafter these cheques come fast and furious.  By the end of the century the Shelter was in receipt of regular cheques from both the Castle and the Union Lines, while various statements by the Chairman of the Shelter (as well as their balance sheets) indicate the extent to which these payments in effect covered the running costs of the Shelter.  There had clearly developed a close relationship between the Shelter and these companies - which were amalgamated into one company in 1900 - a relationship illustrated for example in 1906 when the Shelter moved into a new property and invited the Union Castle Line to make a donation towards the costs of building. 

 

Kindly pardon me for taking the liberty of reminding you of your kind promise to me some time ago of a donation from Messrs Donald Currie and Co. towards the Building Fund of the new Shelter. This matter has undoubtedly slipped your memory, but as we are about to open the new Shelter in the course of a few weeks and we are sorely in need of funds for furnishing same, may we hope that Donald Currie and Co. will take into consideration the good work we have done in connection with the South African emigration and furnish us with the promised donation now as it will arrive at a most opportune moment.

 

[It arrived]  The committee rejoice to think that their efforts in looking after the transmigrants holding your tickets have met with your appreciation and they hope that the greater opportunity the new building will afford them will enable the Shelter to continue for many years to come the happy relations which have existed and now exit between this institution and the Union Castle Line.

 

There is also some very interesting correspondence between the Secretary of the Shelter and a number of shipping lines in 1906 following the passage of the 1905 Aliens’ Act.  Under that act distinctions were made between immigrants seeking to enter the country on a long-term basis and those who from the beginning had declared their intentions of merely passing through, of being transmigrants.  This latter category could enter freely, but the shipping companies which brought them into the country had the responsibility under a substantial financial bond of ensuring that all of these transients left the country. The Secretary offered the services of the Shelter’s organisation  which had been accustomed to doing this  in connection with the Union Castle Company for over fifteen years.  Other letters at this time to the Union Castle Company list a number of passengers despatched to the Cape with details of the services afforded - five shillings a head for meeting and seeing-off as well as a schedule for each passenger of the number of nights for which board and lodging had been provided.  Clearly then the Shelter played a considerable part of the provision which could be made for passengers booked through the Union Castle Line en route for South Africa.

The evidence suggests that it was in 1895 and 1896 that the flow of passengers passing through the Shelter en route to South Africa really exploded.  The figures given in the annual reports submitted to the Board of Trade certainly indicate that, while the mere existence of the volumes of Registers points that way too.  The fact that volume one of` our records beginning on 29 May 1896 opens with number one as compared with the other volumes which normally change their numbering on 1st November - when the Shelter’s financial year opens - points to the possibility of a new departure.  A reference in the Minutes of the Annual General Meeting held in the spring of 1896 shows a call for a new system of keeping records of the numbers passing through the Shelter so that a proper system of charges can be made, while the executive agreed to a raise in salary to the superintendent while ‘quote the present numbers passing through’.  Clearly there has been a new development, as is evidenced also by the discovery in a Hebrew language newspaper circulating in the northern Pale of an advertisement by Spiro and company in Libau pointing out the availability of the Castle Line for those wishing to travel to South Africa as well as indicating that they were acting as agents for those travelling to America or even to Australia. 

Some features of that new development have been indicated by work done by Nick Evans whom I have already mentioned to you.  His work is intended to look at the patterns of transmigration through Britain as illustrated by the records of the Wilson company operating out of Hull.  Much of this is obviously concerned with the traffic coming into Hull and moving either to Liverpool or later Southampton, but his analysis of the ways in which Wilson’s managed to establish a steamship cartel dominating the Baltic traffic has a considerable spin-off so far as African traffic is concerned.  He shows that there is the beginnings of a transformation in 1895, partly as a result of the opening of Libau as a port of significance and partly also as a consequence of the opening of an enlarged Kiel Canal that year, cutting down the time that would have been taken by steamers from Libau into either Hull or London.  What however is of most importance is the way in which he has analysed the various steps by which Wilson’s manipulated the relations between the various companies in order to maximise the traffic and of course their own profits.  The years immediately after 1893 saw intense competition for traffic between Wilson’s and the Continental rivals at the same time as the reports from for example the British vice-consul in Libau indicate a growth in traffic from the port:

 

There has been a considerable movement this spring and summer ... and many Jews have emigrated to America, Africa etc. via Libau and the continental ports Bremen, Rotterdam, Antwerp, in fact a regular trade in the forwarding of emigrants has been established - each firm of ship brokers vying with each other to see who will forward cheapest

 

Some of the evidence we have is from individual tickets issued by the Union Castle Lines and still preserved by the descendants of those who migrated;  mostly they are issued in London but some of them give details of an exchange for a voucher.  One of them gives the name of the firm which issued the voucher, and it is Knie, Falk of Libau.  Another is issued by a Dublin firm.  The report from ICA already mentioned describes the activities of some of these agents. 

Clearly Wilson’s had established for themselves an important role in the whole movement out of the Baltic both to London and to Hull, and there is clear evidence of the company’s connections with various transatlantic shipping companies. But as time went on the relations between the Wilson line and Currie’s company - now amalgamated with the Union Line into Union Castle - became more formalised, and Nick Evans has produced a logbook illustrating how the activities of Wilson’s and Union Castle dovetailed.  One of Wilson’s ships was the Romeo, and this boat left Riga on the 18th August 1909; on 19th August it arrived at Libau where it picked up further cargo - pork, horses, and also 41 migrants.  The boat travelled through the Kiel Canal and anchored off Gravesend at midnight, 23rd August.  The passengers were landed at Hays Wharf after clearing customs at Gravesend on 24th at 11.25 am.  28 of the passengers went on to the Shelter where their entry was duly recorded and stayed there until 26th August when they went to Southampton and sailed on the Tintagel Castle. I have not yet been able to check their date of arrival in Cape Town.

There is still work to be done on this migrant trade to South Africa. Principally it is now necessary to examine the shipping manifests and compare the proportions going to Africa who also pass through the Shelter.  These manifests will not give the same detail as the Registers;  they do not for example give details of place of birth. But from them it will be possible to ascertain much more about those who between 1890 and 1914 made their way by ships and trains, through the Shelter and on their own account, and ended up in Cape Town.  What happened to them then is a story that can only be told in Cape Town itself.